Antitrust-for-Kids-300x143

Author:  Molly Donovan

At Argo Elementary, a group of kids gathers daily at lunch to buy and sell candy. The trading activity is a longtime tradition at Argo and it’s taken very seriously—more like a competitive sport than a pastime.

Candy trading doesn’t end once a 5th grader graduates from Argo. It continues across town at Chicago Middle School—but instead of lunch, candy trading happens there at the close of each school day. (The middle school had banned lunchtime trading due to several disputes that grew out of hand.)

Now here’s where it gets complicated, and nobody knows why it works this way, but the average lunchtime price at Argo determines the starting price for trades later in the day at Chicago.

For example: the average selling price for a candy bar on Monday, lunch at Argo is $2.50. Monday after-school prices at Chicago also will start at $2.50.

There are rules about what kind of candy can be traded—so that one trade can be easily compared to another (candied apples-to-candied apples) for purposes of determining who’s “winning.”

And sometimes kids—particularly the older ones at Chicago—place bets on what will happen on a particular trading day in the future, e.g., I bet prices will reach $3 or I bet no more than 50 candy bars will get sold this Friday.

That’s it by way of background. Here’s our story.

Arthur D. Midland (“ADM”) is 9. He is the link between Argo and Chicago. Each day, ADM leaves Argo Elementary when school lets out, walks to Chicago Middle, announces the “start-of-trade” Chicago price based on the lunchtime Argo price, and Chicago trading begins. (ADM’s mother allows this because ADM’s older brother (Midas) also trades at Chicago—so the two boys can watch each other.)

At the start of the school year, ADM contrived a very clever scheme. He bet Midas that, on Halloween, Chicago prices would be very low—as low as $1. Midas said, “No way! September prices are already at $2.50. If anything, prices will increase as kids go candy crazy in October. I’ll take that bet.”

So, for every candy bar sold at Chicago on Halloween for $1 or less, Midas would owe ADM $1. And for every candy bar sold at Chicago for more than $1, ADM would owe Midas $1.

With that bet front of mind, ADM became the primary candy seller at Argo, and as Halloween neared, he flooded Argo with candy and sold it intentionally at very low prices—50 cents for a Snickers! (ADM had the requisite inventory because he was an avid trick-or-treater and had saved all his Halloween candy from years past.)

Due to ADM’s scheme, Argo prices got so low that some kids packed up their candy and went home—refusing to trade there at all.

Well, Halloween finally came and, as you can imagine, ADM made a killing on the bet—100 candy bars were sold at Chicago on Halloween at less than $1, forcing Midas to pay ADM his entire savings. This more than compensated ADM for whatever losses he incurred for under-selling at Argo.

Once Midas realized ADM’s trick, he was furious. Didn’t ADM cheat? Midas assumed—as did all candy traders—that bets derived from candy sales would be based on real—not artificial—market forces.

Did ADM get away with it?

So far, no.

My Muse: For now, plaintiff Midwest Renewable Energy has survived a motion to dismiss its Section 2 monopolization claim against Archer Daniels Midland.

The claim is based on allegations of predatory pricing—basically that the defendant’s prices were below an appropriate measure of its costs and that the low prices drove competitors from the market allowing the defendant to recoup its losses. (For more on predatory pricing, read here.)

In the ADM case, Midwest alleges that ADM manipulated ethanol-trading prices at the Argo Terminal in Illinois to create “substantial gains” on short positions ADM held on ethanol futures and options contracts traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. Because the Argo prices determined the value of the derivatives contracts, by flooding Argo with ethanol that ADM sold at too-low prices, ADM allegedly was able to win big on the derivatives exchange—recouping whatever losses it incurred on the underlying asset.

On its motion to dismiss, ADM argued that Midwest had not sufficiently alleged that ethanol producers had exited the market due to ADM’s low prices or that ADM subsequently recouped its losses in the ethanol market. (ADM classed these arguments as going to antitrust injury.)

The Court agreed that Midwest was required to allege both that rivals exited the market and that recoupment was ongoing or imminent, but the court ruled Midwest’s allegations sufficient to do so.

Specifically, Midwest had alleged that 12 ethanol producers had either stopped or decreased ethanol production—which is enough at the motion to dismiss phase. The court said whether that alleged “handful” of plant closures had a discernible effect on consumers is a fact-intensive analysis not susceptible to resolution on the pleadings.

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Author: Steven Cernak

The Department of Justice’s challenge of certain Google actions raises interesting antitrust questions. But during the first week of the trial, the biggest issue seemed to be one aspect of Google’s antitrust compliance program. Some commentators were shocked to discover that Google’s lawyers advised the employees to avoid certain hot-button antitrust terms like “leverage” or “dominance.” Those of us who have implemented antitrust compliance programs for decades were shocked that anyone could be shocked by these ordinary compliance tactics. Below, I explain how such tactics can help meet the two goals of compliance programs.

Goal 1: Follow the Law

The first goal of compliance programs, obviously, is to help companies comply with the law. Everything else being equal, companies would prefer to avoid the real and reputational costs of being known as a law breaker. But complying with a law is not always easy. Sometimes the law is not clear — for example, Sherman Act Section 2 is very short but the actions that constitute monopolization are unclear at best. Sometimes the law, or its interpretation, changes — again, Section 2 is a good example as its interpretation has changed from 1960 to 2000 to today. Finally, the businesspeople who receive the training might be experts in business but definitely are not experts in all the laws that affect them. So, their lawyers must accurately, succinctly, and memorably tell them how to comply with the laws and then let them get back to their day jobs.

A list of words to avoid can be accurate, succinct, and memorable. The sales chief might not understand or remember all the intricacies of tying law but she might remember to ask for advice before using it in a memo or requiring the purchase of a second product before allowing sales of a wildly popular product.

Goal 2: Be Seen as Following the Law

Even if the compliance program does not work perfectly and the government or a private plaintiff accuses the company of violations, the compliance program can still help. For example, DOJ has started to give a company credit for a good, but not perfect, compliance program in its investigations and sentencing decisions.

More generally, a good program, perhaps even including a list of phrases to avoid, can also help the company explain to investigators, judges, or juries why its actions did not violate the law.  During any investigation or trial, the lawyers will need to explain both those actions and the words used to describe them. Usually, the fewer explanations needed the better. So having the businesspeople avoid certain hot-button phrases, while still honestly getting their jobs done, will reduce the number of explanations necessary and ease the defense burden. The lawyers will still be forced to explain why a requirement to buy product B to get defendant’s wildly popular product A is not anticompetitive. But their burden will be eased if they do not also need to explain what some low-level marketing specialist meant two years ago in an email that suggested the company “leverage our dominance.”

As a result, the standard compliance advice is to be clear and honest in what you write. Will you remember six months or three years from now why you used that phrase? How will that phrase look on the front page of the [New York Times/Wall Street Journal/Automotive News/government’s brief]? To make that advice even clearer and more memorable for the businesspeople, sometimes the compliance program will give examples, even long lists, of words and phrases that will be difficult to explain and so should be avoided.

Why Such Advice Can Be Necessary

Now, that list of “forbidden words” cannot be the entire compliance program. As compliance specialists have known for a long time — and as the DOJ has made clear — multiple elements of a program must work together to create a “culture of compliance.” Merely avoiding certain words is unlikely to help if, say, the CEO mocks the need for such compliance programs or they are otherwise seen as merely “check the box” exercises foisted on busy workers by a busybody legal department.

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Authors: Luke Hasskamp & Molly Donovan

In yet another important labor-monopsony case, a federal court in Nevada has declared a win for MMA athletes fighting against their promoter’s alleged misuse of monopsony power in the market for acquiring fighters’ services. Class certification has been granted to MMA fighters accusing their promoter of locking them into exclusive contracts that deterred fighters’ mobility and suppressed their wages for fighting bouts. Cung Le v. Zuffa, LLC, No. 2:15-cv-01045-RFB-BNW, 2023 WL 5085064, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 138702 (D. Nev. Aug. 9, 2023).

The Facts. MMA is a combat sport—a mix of boxing, wrestling, karate and other forms of martial arts. A bout is a competition between MMA fighters in a timed round where a fighter can win by acquiring the most points or by a knockout or submission (the other fighter gives up due to “extreme pain”).

During the at-issue period (2010-2017), Zuffa (defendant) promoted MMA bouts—under the trade name Ultimate Fighting Championship.

During that time, Zuffa treated fighters as independent contractors and compensated them on a bout-by-bout basis: one payment to “show” (participate in a bout) and then another payment (typically in the same amount) to win. This method of compensation was common across all MMA fighters promoted by Zuffa except for a “very small” number of the best fighters who also may have received additional payments at times (e.g., a percentage of the revenues generated by a particular event). Fighters bore their own expenses for training and skills maintenance.

The contracts between Zuffa and fighters contained “exclusion clauses” that required athletes to fight only for Zuffa. These contracts also imposed additional clauses that gave Zuffa significant control over fighters, including (i) the exclusive ability to extend certain contracts automatically; (ii) the exclusive right to cut fighters; and (iii) the right to match a competing promoter’s offer at the expiration of a contract, essentially requiring the fighter to remain with Zuffa whenever Zuffa matched the competing offer.

The Proposed Bout Class. All persons who competed in live UFC-promoted MMA bouts in the United States from 2010 to 2017.

Predominance. Predominance has become the “main event” in antitrust class certification inquiries—the round where a plaintiff can win it or lose it all. To establish predominance, plaintiffs must show (i) conduct that violates the antitrust laws; (ii) that the conduct was commonly applied to the class; (iii) it led to common injury in the class; and (iv) measurable damages provable with evidence common to the class.

  • Illegal conduct. The class alleges a violation of Section 2 of the Sherman Act, i.e., that Zuffa sought to maintain its monopsony power in the relevant market through exclusionary conduct. In a lengthy analysis, the court held that plaintiffs showed that Zuffa enjoyed monopsony power in a relevant antitrust market—the market for elite professional MMA fighter services. An expert testified that, during the relevant time, Zuffa’s share was between 70 and 90% in the labor-input market. And this market also had significant barriers to entry, including Zuffa’s own “coercive” contracts that “artificially restricted” competitors’ access to fighter talent. As for exclusionary conduct, the court ruled that the required exclusivity and other oppressive contractual provisions (along with related “coercive” conduct by Zuffa) “locked up” fighters, restricting their mobility and suppressing their wages. The court also pointed to Zuffa’s history of horizontal acquisitions as further evidence of a willful intent to maintain market dominance.
  • Common application to the class. The court found that the relevant contractual provisions applied to all class members, as did Zuffa’s coercive conduct used “consistently” “to induce fighters into re-signing contracts or risk punishment.”
  • Common injury. Plaintiffs’ expert submitted a regression analysis to show that class members’ wages were artificially suppressed by Zuffa’s conduct. The court ruled that analysis was sufficiently reliable at the class certification stage to establish common injury—rejecting defendant’s “small” criticisms of specific variables and particular data decisions.
  • Finally, the court held that plaintiff’s expert presented a “coherent methodology for establishing class-wide damages that predominates over any individual damages analysis.”

Total Knockout? No. While the court certified that “bout class,” it declined to certify a separate “identity class” consisting of every fighter whose identity was “expropriated or exploited by the UFC” from 2010 to 2017. The court held that, unlike the bout class, plaintiffs had not presented sufficient expert analysis supporting a connection between the relevant exploitative conduct and suppressed compensation. The court also found it important that the merchandising rights were voluntary and non-exclusive and that fighters in the class varied in notoriety—a difference difficult to capture in an objectively-defined variable. Finally, the court said there was no evidence of an “internal pay structure” for identity rights that was consistently applied across the proposed class.

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Author: Luis Blanquez

What is Bid-rigging?

The DOJ describes bid rigging as an agreement among competitors as to who will submit the most competitive bid and who won’t, i.e., who should win and who should lose, in a competitive bidding situation. Typically, bid rigging occurs when a purchaser solicits bids to purchase goods or services, and the bidders agree in advance who will bid what. The desired result is that the purchaser pays a supracompetitive price.

Bid rigging is considered––together with price fixing and market allocation–– a “per se” violation of the Sherman Act. Restraints analyzed under the “per se” rule are considered so inherently anticompetitive that they warrant condemnation without a robust market analysis or the existence of a competitive justification.

Below, we briefly discuss two of the most recent bid-rigging cases from the long list at the DOJ Procurement Collusion Strike Force website.

Bid-Rigging is a Per Se Violation of the Antitrust Laws

Bid rigging can take at least 5 different forms:

  • Bid Suppression: One or more competitors agree not to bid, or to withdraw a previously submitted bid, so that a designated bidder will win;
  • Complementary Bidding: Co-conspirators submit token bids that are intentionally high or that intentionally fail to meet the bid requirements. “Comp bids” are designed to give the appearance of competition;
  • Bid Rotation: All co-conspirators submit bids, but by agreement, take turns being the low bidder on a series of contracts;
  • Customer or Market Allocation: Co-conspirators agree to divide up customers or geographic areas. The result is that the coconspirators will not bid or will submit only “comp” bids when a solicitation for bids is made by a customer or in an area not assigned to them.
  • Subcontracting: Subcontracting arrangements are often part of a bid-rigging scheme. Competitors who agree not to bid or to submit only a losing bid frequently receive subcontracts or supply contracts in exchange from the successful low bidder.

The DOJ has provided a list of patterns and suspicious indicators of a potential bid-rigging scheme. These include:

  • the same company always wins a particular procurement;
  • companies seem to take a turn being the successful bidder;
  • some bids are much higher than published price lists, previous bids by the same firms, or engineering cost estimates;
  • fewer than the normal number of competitors submit bids;
  • one company appears to be bidding substantially higher on some bids than others with no apparent cost differences to account for the disparity;
  • bid prices drop whenever a new or infrequent bidder submits a bid.

Additionally, the DOJ looks out for some sort of compensation by the winning company to a losing company, such as:

  • a successful bidder subcontracts work to competitors that submitted unsuccessful bids on the same project;
  • a direct payoff in the form of goods, cash, or check, normally disguised as a legitimate payment.

Government Procurement for Construction and Infrastructure

Because bid-rigging has been an historical problem in bids for government contracts, in November 2019, the DOJ created the Procurement Collusion Strike Force (“PCSK”) to combat antitrust crimes that affect government procurement and for victims to report suspected anticompetitive conduct related to construction or infrastructure. And they’ve been extremely busy. As the Director of the PCSK mentioned recently during the Seventh Annual White-Collar Criminal Forum at the University of Richmond Law School “more than 100 investigations opened, more than 45 guilty pleas and trial convictions, over 60 companies and individuals prosecuted and more than $60 million in criminal fines and restitution, all relating to over $375 million worth of government contracts.”

The Caltrans and Michigan Asphalt Paving Recent Cases

The California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) Case

According to a DOJ’s information dated March 2022, a former Caltrans contract manager, a contractor, and two construction companies engaged in a conspiracy from early 2015 through late 2019, to rig bids. Caltrans is a California state agency that manages California’s highway and freeway lanes, provides inter-city rail services and permits public-use airports.

Choon Foo “Keith” Yong––a former Caltrans contract manager––was sentenced to 49 months imprisonment and ordered to pay $984,699.53 in restitution. According to a plea agreement filed on April 11, 2022, Young was part of a scheme to thwart the competitive bidding process for Caltrans contracts to ensure that companies controlled by Yong’s co-conspirators submitted the winning bids and would be awarded the at-issue contract. According to the DOJ’s information, Yong also accepted bribes in the form of cash payments, wine, furniture and remodeling services on his home. The total value of the payments and benefits Yong received exceeded $800,000.

William D. Opp.––a former construction contractor––also pleaded guilty in the scheme. He was sentenced to 45 months’ imprisonment and ordered to pay $797,940.23 in restitution. According to a plea agreement filed on Oct. 3, 2022, he submitted sham bids on Caltrans contracts and provided nearly $800,000 in cash bribes and other benefits to Yong.

Last, in April 2023, former construction company owner Bill R. Miller was also sentenced:  78 months imprisonment and nearly $1 million in restitution. According to his guilty plea, Miller engaged in the same conspiracy and recruited others to submit sham bids on Caltrans contracts. In addition to pleading guilty to bid rigging, Miller also pleaded guilty to paying bribes to Yong.

Michigan Asphalt Paving: The United States v. F. Allied Construction Company, Inc., No: 2:23-cr-20381 (E.D. Michigan)

On August 17, 2023, a senior executive of Estimating for Clarkston-based F. Allied Construction Company Inc (“Allied”) ––a Michigan asphalt paving company––pleaded guilty in the U.S. District Court in Detroit for his role in two separate conspiracies to rig bids for asphalt paving services contracts in the State of Michigan. The services included asphalt paving projects such as large driveways, parking lots, private roadways, and public streets.

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Author:  Molly Donovan & Luis Blanquez

California continues to lead the trend away from non-competes with a new law that packs yet another punch against employers’ use of these very common contractual restrictions on employee mobility.

Non-competes—also called restrictive covenants—typically prohibit an employee from taking employment with a rival firm once their current employment has ended. Their enforceability largely depends on their scope and the applicable state law.

In California, existing law already provides that, with few exceptions, “every contract by which anyone is restrained from engaging in a lawful profession, trade, or business of any kind is to that extent void.” And, existing law also prohibits employers from trying to skirt the ban by trying to using forum-selection and choice-of-law provisions against California residents who work in California.

The new law goes even further. It states that non-competes are void regardless of where and when they were signed. It prohibits employers from attempting to enforce unlawful non-competes even if the employment occurred outside California. And finally, the law makes it a civil violation for an employer to enter into a prohibited non-compete. Employees can bring private actions against employers who violate the laws against non-competes, and prevailing employees are entitled to attorney’s fees.

The law was drafted by Orly Lobel, Warren Distinguished Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Employment and Labor Policy at the University of San Diego. Her research reveals that California employers still require employees to sign non-competes even when they are unenforceable under California law. Professor Lobel also found that non-competes continue to “stifle economic development, limit firms’ ability to hire,” “depress innovation and growth,” and are “associated with suppressed wages and exacerbated racial and gender pay gaps, as well as reduced entrepreneurship, job growth, firm entry, and innovation.”

Bona Law has extensive experience counseling companies and former employees about non-competes—an area that is increasingly dangerous under many states’ laws and can also draw scrutiny under federal antitrust law.

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Author: Molly Donovan

In an opinion written by Judge Easterbrook, and a major win for per se no-poach claims, the Seventh Circuit has vacated a district court’s dismissal of a Sherman Act, Section 1 no-poach claim against McDonald’s. The case involves clauses that McDonald’s formerly included, as standard language, in its franchise agreements that “barred one franchise from soliciting another’s employee.” The plaintiff claims that she was unreasonably restrained from switching franchises to take a higher-paid job because of the anticompetitive provisions.

The at-issue contract language was broad, covering solicitation and hiring and not ending until six-months after employment ended: “During the term of this Franchise, Franchisee shall not employ or seek to employ any person who is at the time employed by McDonald’s, any of its subsidiaries, or by any person who is at the time operating a McDonald’s restaurant or otherwise induce, directly or indirectly, such person to leave such employment. This paragraph [] shall not be violated if such person has left the employ of any of the foregoing parties for a period in excess of six (6) months.”

The restraint had teeth: an initial violation gave McDonald’s the right not to consent to a transfer of the franchise. Additional breaches gave McDonald’s the right to terminate the franchise.

And plaintiffs also alleged that the restraint “promote[d] collusion among franchisees, because each knew the other had signed an agreement with the same provision” – so long as everybody at least tacitly cooperated by not poaching, franchisees could keep wages below-market.

Plaintiff alleged only per se and quick look theories of liability—not rule of reason.

In the district court, the defendants argued that, because the restraint originated with McDonald’s corporate (the parent company), the restraint was merely vertical—and thus, not per se illegal. The district court disagreed: the provisions restrain competition for employees among horizontal competitors notwithstanding that the company at the top of the chain originated the agreement.

But the district court dismissed the per se theory because it found that the alleged restraint was ancillary to the franchise agreements. The analysis was curious because, although the court said that a restraint is ancillary only if it promotes enterprise and productivity, the court found it sufficient that the franchise agreements, taken as a whole, promoted enterprise because each franchise agreement increased output (more customers served). The district court did not examine whether the restraint itself promoted competition.

The Seventh Circuit held that was an error. While an “agreement among competitors is not naked if it is ancillary to the success of a cooperative venture,” increased output does not “justif[y] detriments to workers.” The antitrust laws are concerned with monopsonies (in this case, the cartelized cost of labor).

And simply because a franchise agreement increases output, the no-poach agreement itself may not promote output or any another pro-competitive goal. The question is: “what was the no-poach clause doing?” To be deemed ancillary, the no-poach itself must serve a procompetitive objective (such as preventing freeriding on a franchisee’s investment in worker training). The court suggested that an agreement’s duration and scope also may be relevant to resolving that question.

In any event, the Seventh Circuit ruled the answer to that inquiry could not be resolved on the pleadings because economic analysis is required. And “[m]ore than that: the classification of a restraint as ancillary is a defense, and the complaint need not anticipate and plead around defenses.”

In the end, the Seventh Circuit vacated the district court’s decision and remanded for its further consideration in light of the appellate review.

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Author:  Molly Donovan

You may remember Gordon—in many ways, he was dominant in the 5th grade, and though his behavior was questionable at times, he was very popular.

I’m writing this story because Gordon is starting a new school year and has ascended to MIDDLE SCHOOL. Very cool, but very intimidating—even for Gordon. For one thing, there is an entirely new set of rules about how students are supposed to behave.

In elementary school, there are rules, of course, but they’re intuitive (no pushing, no yelling, please share) and all kids are encouraged to form friendships with all other kids. You can walk to lunch with any other kid you choose to. You can play at recess with any group of kids you want to. This made things easy for Gordon who was a natural at buddying-up with classmates and forming new relationships with ease.

In middle school, things aren’t the same—there’s actually a rule against the buddy system that feels contrary to everything Gordon previously knew. Basically, the rule is: you cannot run around in friendship packs—or duos even—unless they are teacher approved. Why? The principal says the school is trying to eliminate friend groups that are probably going to cause trouble—by, for example, ganging up against the weaker kids who aren’t popular and don’t like gym, or getting too powerful on the playground and pestering the younger kids. The rule is not against combinations that will cause trouble, only that probably will.

You’re likely wondering how it will be determined whether a particular friend group meets that standard. Good question. Apparently, the test is not whether the parents and students —experts on who’s who in the ever-changing social dynamics of middle schools—believe a certain combination spells trouble. The principal and teachers will decide based on dusty old textbooks with opinions written years and years ago (we’re talking 1970s) about tween society.

Query whether that’s the best way. But that’s the way the teachers want to do things.

Did it work out? The school year just started, so it’s too soon to tell and the rules are in purgatory—they’re being publicly tested but are not official yet.

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Authors: Steven Cernak and Luis Blanquez

In case you missed it on the eve of a holiday weekend, the FTC and several states settled their challenge of Amgen’s acquisition of Horizon last Friday. The case might have seemed like an odd one to antitrust and merger practitioners looking only at the last few decades of merger review; however, both the challenge and the settlement offer some lessons for future merging parties — and perhaps even the FTC itself.

Parties, Transaction, Challenge, Settlement

Both Amgen and Horizon are large pharmaceutical companies. According to the original complaint, each company produces drugs for which there are few if any competitors. Even according to that complaint, Amgen and Horizon do not compete with, supply to, or buy from each other.

The parties described the transaction as allowing Amgen to use its broader distributional reach to bring Horizon’s products to more consumers. The FTC, and later several states, alleged that Amgen was proficient at wringing profit out of its monopolized drugs in various ways, especially with pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs). The enforcers feared that Amgen would do the same with Horizon’s drugs, especially by bundling Amgen and Horizon drugs. The parties disputed that they had the ability or incentive to engage in such behavior but still offered to enter an order promising not to take such actions.

The FTC challenged the transaction in its internal tribunal and sought a preliminary injunction in federal court in the Northern District of Illinois to prevent the closing of the transaction. The states later joined that challenge. The parties countered with both antitrust arguments and constitutional challenges to the FTC’s structure and procedures, much as other parties like Illumina have.

Last Friday, the parties and enforcers settled all the challenges. The parties agreed to not bundle any Amgen product with Horizon’s two key products––Tepezza or Krystexxa––its medications used to treat thyroid eye disease (TED) and chronic refractory gout (CRG) or offer certain rebates to exclude or disadvantage any product that would compete with Tepezza or Krystexxa. Amgen agreed to seek FTC approval for any acquisition of pharmaceuticals competitive with Horizon’s. Finally, Amgen will submit to a compliance monitor and make annual reports for the fifteen-year duration of the order. Further details and analysis of the proposed order are here.

Analysis of the Challenge

The FTC’s challenge of the transaction might have looked different to merger review practitioners familiar only with challenges of proposed mergers of current competitors; however, the theory behind the challenge has some history. Unfortunately for the FTC, the last several decades worth of that history did not support the challenge.

When Congress passed and amended Clayton Act Section 7, it did not prohibit all mergers; instead, it prohibited only those whose effect “may be substantially to lessen competition, or to tend to create a monopoly.” This standard does not require the FTC to show that the merger will have the proscribed competitive effect with certainty, but it must establish that the competitive effect is more than a mere possibility.

Both Congress and the courts have emphasized that something more than a mere possibility is necessary for a successful Clayton Act Section 7 challenge. The Congressional report described the necessary finding as follows: “The use of these words means that [the amended Clayton Act] would not apply to the mere possibility but only to the reasonable probability of the prescribed effect.” (emphasis added).

The Supreme Court in Brown Shoe clearly drew the “certainties/probabilities/possibilities” distinction:

Congress used the words ‘may be substantially to lessen competition’ (emphasis supplied), to indicate that its concern was with probabilities, not certainties. Statutes existed for dealing with clear-cut menaces to competition; no statute was sought for dealing with ephemeral possibilities. Mergers with a probable anticompetitive effect were to be proscribed by this Act.

Courts recognize only a few ways that the FTC or any challenger can successfully show a probability of a lessening of competition or tendency to create a monopoly.

First, challengers like the FTC can allege that the parties to the proposed transaction currently compete. Such a “horizontal” merger can lessen competition or create a monopoly by allowing the merged parties to unilaterally raise prices or otherwise harm consumers or implicitly coordinate with the remaining competitors on similar actions. Here, the FTC did not allege that any of Amgen’s or Horizon’s products currently compete.

Second, challengers can allege that one of the parties is a “potential competitor” of the other party. Such “potential competition” mergers can lessen competition or create a monopoly by eliminating the current threat or actual entry into a new market by one of the parties to the transaction. Here, the FTC did not allege that Amgen or Horizon is a potential entrant into any of the markets in which the other party competes.

Third, challengers can allege that the parties have or could have a supplier-customer relationship. In certain circumstances, such “vertical” mergers can lessen competition or create a monopoly in a few ways, principally by foreclosing access to rival firms to inputs, customers, or something else they need to effectively compete with the merged parties. Here, the FTC did not allege that Amgen and Horizon are in or could be in a supplier-customer relationship.

Instead, the FTC appeared to rely on the “entrenchment” variant of the “conglomerate” competition theory, claiming that “Post-Acquisition, Amgen will possess the ability and incentive to sustain and entrench its dominant positions in the markets for [Horizon’s products].”

Under this theory, the FTC alleged that after the acquisition, Amgen would have both the ability and incentive to more effectively exploit the alleged monopoly power already possessed by Horizon. Unfortunately for the FTC, this theory has been abandoned as discredited since the 1970s. According to the latest version of the ABA Antitrust Law Developments, “[After Procter & Gamble in 1967], courts and the FTC applied the entrenchment theory very cautiously and liability has not been found in any case on this theory since the 1970s . . . and its subsequent antitrust decisions suggest it is unlikely that the Court will again apply [the theory].” Even the FTC itself just three years ago told an international body that “[c]onglomerate mergers that raise neither vertical nor horizontal concerns are unlikely to be problematic under U.S. merger law.”

And there is good reason for courts to have grown skeptical of the theory — it cannot support an allegation that the probable effect of a proposed merger “may be substantially to lessen competition, or to tend to create a monopoly.”

Certainly, the theory cannot support an allegation that the proposed merger probably will tend to create a monopoly. After all, under the theory, the seller’s products already enjoy monopoly power. The proposed merger would not have created any monopoly power. Here, the FTC alleged that Horizon already enjoys a monopoly with its two key products.

The theory also could not support an allegation that the proposed merger probably will substantially lessen competition. Because the theory required so many possible actions by both the parties to the transaction and third parties, the potential anticompetitive harm is nothing more than the “ephemeral possibility” that the Supreme Court has correctly said is not covered by the Clayton Act.

Here, as detailed by the parties in their brief, the following actions had to occur before the ephemeral possible harm alleged by the FTC would occur: The handful of products identified in the FTC’s Amended Complaint had to overcome significant clinical development and regulatory hurdles; AND at that hypothetical and uncertain time, those other products, though differentiated from Horizon’s products, must threaten them competitively; AND at that same uncertain future time, the alleged competitive position of Amgen’s products must not have changed such that Amgen will have the ability and incentive to bundle them with Horizon’s products in ways that will harm competition.

But even if the parties were wrong and the actions did happen, the FTC could have acted at that time by bringing a monopolization challenge. Now, if those ephermeral possibilities do occur, the FTC will have an easier time alleging a violation of the consent order.

Lessons for Parties and the FTC

For future merging parties in the pharmaceutical industry, this FTC action (and Chairwoman Khan’s statement accompanying the settlement) make clear that the agency will flyspeck every proposed transaction and challenge many more than in the past. These include the Pfizer/Seagen or Biogen/Reata pending transactions, for instance. As Henry Liu, Director of the FTC’s Bureau of Competition highlighted in the press release: “Today’s proposed resolution sends a clear signal that the FTC and its state partners will scrutinize pharmaceutical mergers that enable such practices, and defend patients and competition in this vital marketplace.” The FTC’s ongoing investigation of PBMs means that FTC actions in this area might not be confined to merger challenges.

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Authors: Jon Cieslak & Molly Donovan

Having recently defended an investigation brought by the U.S. Department of Justice Antitrust Division—which was closed without prosecution of our client—we had the opportunity to reflect on ways that lawyers can navigate the high-stakes interactions with government enforcers who are investigating antitrust or other white-collar violations. Those interactions involve a number of fine lines that require real-time judgment calls specific to each situation. That said, we think these “rules of thumb” are generally applicable and will help lawyers and their clients navigate the process as smoothly and favorably as possible.

(Although this article is not focused on subpoena compliance, you can listen to our podcast on subpoena compliance here.)

  • Always be truthful. This should go without saying, but your credibility is everything. Once an enforcer suspects that a client or the lawyers have not been forthcoming, problems get worse. If you realize you’ve provided incorrect information to the government inadvertently, correct it at the first opportunity.
  • Be transparent about process. In many cases, particularly if you want to limit the scope of a subpoena through negotiations with the enforcer, it is helpful to share information about your investigative process. Disclosing how you’ve searched for documents, what you have (and have not) produced, and what employees you have talked to can help you build credibility and persuade the enforcer not to require additional information. Plus, enforcers don’t like being surprised down the road about what has/has not been provided.
  • Focus on the facts. Ultimately, the enforcer will decide whether or not to pursue charges based on the facts of the case. It’s important to make sure that you provide the enforcer with all the facts that help your client, particularly those that provide defensible context for otherwise incriminating facts, even if the subpoena does not specifically ask for them.
  • While you should provide information promptly, you do not need to please. Even if your client takes a defensive posture, and is not formally cooperating, it is often prudent to provide government enforcers with information they’re requesting—probably in writing or in the form of an attorney proffer. It is also wise to cooperate in a timely fashion and to be responsive. But there are limits: you’re not required to satisfy every request and you can negotiate timelines. You should also exercise caution, in particular, when the government asks to speak or meet with your client directly. (See the next pro tip).
  • Don’t lose what control you have. Being interviewed by the government is very stressful—even for a client who feels they’ve done nothing wrong or has nothing to hide. People sometimes say things they don’t mean because they’re trying to please the interviewer. People like to try to help or protect colleagues and being asked questions about what friends and associates have/have not done can put clients in very uncomfortable situations. Sometimes the lawyer thinks she understands all the details, but a client says something new and unexpected during an interview. It may not be “bad,” but surprises are almost always harrowing. What does all this mean? If you’re not required to put your client in the hot seat, don’t. Consider alternative ways to get the government the information being requested—like an attorney proffer.
  • If there is an interview, remember these 5 things:
    1. Always be truthful (see pro tip #1).
    2. Tell your client it is okay to stop the interview to speak privately as necessary. In any event, take regular breaks to check in with your client and discuss any surprises.
    3. This is not a deposition, so the best advice to clients is usually to provide all responsive information they can remember when answering each question.
    4. “I don’t know” is better than making something up. Don’t make something up—this doesn’t help the enforcer or you.
    5. In advance of the interview, be sure your client has not destroyed or tried to hide any materials or potentially relevant documents. Be sure your client has not discussed the investigation with anybody besides lawyers. Coordinating “stories” with friends/colleagues is not okay.
  • Aggression is unnecessary. Communications among the lawyers should remain cordial. We’ve never seen aggression or hostility go well. In particular, insulting the government’s investigation is not a good idea. The enforcer believes she is investigating for a good reason.
  • Give your client consistent reminders. Remind your client what she needs to do to maintain the attorney/client privilege and not to do anything that might make her situation worse (destroying evidence/coordinating her story with others). For example, after a government interview, remind your client that everything that was asked and said should be kept confidential.

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Authors: Steven Cernak and Luis Blanquez

As we explained in a prior post, the new draft merger Guidelines issued recently by the FTC and DOJ cite to several older court opinions that may be unfamiliar to antitrust practitioners who have been focused for decades exclusively on earlier versions of the Guidelines. In the last post, we covered two such cases, Philadelphia National Bank and Pabst. Below, we cover three more of such newly “classic cases:” General Dynamics, Marine Bancorporation and Protect & Gamble.

General Dynamics

It is not surprising that the New Guidelines cite General Dynamics seven times; after all, the case has been cited in hundreds of opinions and even more law review articles and treatises. Nor are some of the citations surprising. For example, one citation (FN 93) quotes the case for the proposition that “other pertinent factors” besides market share might mandate a conclusion that competition would not be lessened by a merger. Similarly, citations about market definition make sense because the definitions of both the product and geographic markets were contentious points in the opinion.  But for reasons we explain below, the citations to the case for parts of the New Guidelines that would challenge mergers on the basis of just an increase in concentration, while accurate, seem out of step with the opinion as a whole.

General Dynamics is a 1974 opinion with the 5-4 majority opinion written by Justice Stewart.  Eight years before, Justice Stewart had written the dissent in Von’s Grocery. In that dissent, Justice Stewart penned one of his most famous quotes (no, not that one): “The sole consistency that I can find is that, in litigation under § 7, the Government always wins.” More substantively, Justice Stewart took issue with the majority’s market definition analysis. Instead of simply assuming a “Los Angeles grocery” market as the majority did, Justice Stewart would have applied a “housewife driving test” that, despite the antiquated name, was similar to the hypothetical monopolist test of later Guidelines. Also, instead of assuming anticompetitive effects from “high” market shares and increasing competition, as did the majority, Justice Stewart would have considered other pertinent factors, like low barriers to entry, turnover of firms, and changes to the Los Angeles population.

Eight years later, Justice Stewart applied similar concepts in General Dynamics, but this time for the majority. In this case, one Midwest coal supplier gradually purchased the voting securities of another Midwest coal producer. The DOJ produced evidence of high and increasing concentration in coal markets. Depending on the geographic market, the share represented by the top four firms went from 43-55% to 63-75% as the shares were being acquired. The lower court, however, found that there was cross-elasticity of demand among coal and other energy sources, like oil, natural gas, nuclear, and geothermal energy, so the proper product market was a broader “energy market.” Justice Stewart spoke approvingly of such a market analysis but, because of the analysis we describe below, found it unnecessary to opine on market definition. Significantly, the dissent agreed with the lower court that reviewing evidence of cross-elasticity of demand was appropriate; however, it thought that evidence supported a finding of a submarket for coal for certain customers, especially electric utilities. (The majority and dissent had similar disagreements about the geographic market definition.)

More important to the lower court and Justice Stewart were “other pertinent factors” that made shares of past production unhelpful in predicting future competitive effects of the merger. Here, the selling company’s reserves of coal were much smaller than its past or current production.  For example, it controlled less than 1% of the coal reserves in Illinois, Indiana, and western Kentucky. As a result, its future competitive strength was much worse than a review of any current market shares would indicate. Again, the dissent did not dispute that such “other pertinent factors” were relevant to the analysis; however, it thought the facts did not support finding the seller to be so weak going forward and that much of that evidence came from post-acquisition transactions.

Given the overall facts and tone of both opinions in General Dynamics, it is odd that the New Guidelines cite it for support for challenging mergers that further a trend toward concentration.  The New Guidelines accurately quote Justice Stewart’s opinion:

[The Court’s] approach to a determination of a “substantial” lessening of competition is to allow the Government to rest its case on a showing of even small increases of market share or market concentration in those industries or markets where concentration is already great or has been recently increasing…

But in the opinion, that sentence is followed by these three sentences:

…the question before us is whether the District Court was justified in finding that other pertinent factors affecting the coal industry and the business of the appellees mandated a conclusion that no substantial lessening of competition occurred or was threatened by the acquisition of United Electric. We are satisfied that the court’s ultimate finding was not in error. In Brown Shoe v. United States we cautioned that statistics concerning market share and concentration, while of great significance, were not conclusive indicators of anticompetitive effects … (cleaned up)

The New Guidelines citation to General Dynamics in its footnote 93 for the proposition that “other pertinent factors” besides concentration trends should be considered in merger analysis probably better reflects the overall tenor of the case’s opinions.

Marine Bancorporation

The Guidelines mention Marine Bancorporation seven times to highlight that when a merger eliminates a potential entrant into a concentrated market, it may substantially lessen competition or tend to create a monopoly. Marine Bancorp., 418 U.S. 602, 630 (1974).

The Guidelines explain that to determine whether one of the merging parties is a potential entrant, the Agencies examine:

  • whether one or both of the merging firms had a reasonable probability of entering the relevant market other than through an anticompetitive merger. The Agencies’ starting point for assessment of a reasonable probability of entry is objective evidence. For instance whether the firm has sufficient size and resources to enter; evidence of any advantages that would make the firm well-situated to enter; evidence that the firm has successfully expanded into other markets in the past or already participates in adjacent or related markets; evidence that the firm has an incentive to enter; or evidence that industry participants recognize the company as a potential entrant Marine Bancorp., 418 U.S. 636–37 (1974); and,
  • whether such entry offered “a substantial likelihood of ultimately producing deconcentration of [the] market or other significant procompetitive effects.” If the merging firm had a reasonable probability of entering the concentrated relevant market, the Agencies will usually presume that the resulting deconcentration and other benefits that would have resulted from its entry would be competitively significant, unless there is substantial direct evidence that the competitive effect would be de minimis.

This is known as actual potential competition. The Guidelines also describe that under perceived potential competition, the acquisition of a firm that is perceived by market participants as a potential entrant can substantially lessen competition by eliminating or relieving competitive pressure. And in FN 42 the draft includes that this elimination of present competitive pressure is sometimes known as an anticompetitive “edge effect” or a loss of “perceived potential competition.” E.g., Marine Bancorp., 418 U.S. at 639.

Procter & Gamble

The Guidelines mention Procter & Gamble six times to explain how the Agencies examine (i) whether one of the merging firms already has a dominant position that the merger may reinforce, and (ii) whether the merger may extend or entrench that dominant position to substantially lessen competition or tend to create a monopoly in another market.

The Guidelines highlight that to identify whether one of the merging firms already has a dominant position, the agencies look to whether (i) there is direct evidence that one or both merging firms has the power to raise price, reduce quality, or otherwise impose or obtain terms that they could not obtain but- for that dominance, or (ii) one of the merging firms possesses at least 30 percent market share. Procter & Gamble Co., 386 U.S. 568, 575 (1967).

If this inquiry reveals that at least one of the merging firms already has a dominant position, the Agencies then examine whether the merger would either entrench that position or extend it into additional markets. As a mechanism of whether a merger may entrench a dominant position, the Guidelines include, among others, entry barriers. A merger “may substantially reduce the competitive structure of the industry by raising entry barriers and by dissuading the smaller firms from aggressively competing.” Procter & Gamble Co., 386 U.S. 568, 578 (1967).

As in the case of General Dynamics, it is puzzling to see how the Guidelines cherry pick with the citations of Marine Bancorp and Protect & Gamble. Indeed, both cases discuss potential entry in concentrated markets and whether one of the merging firms already has a dominant position that the merger may extend to substantially lessen competition. But they also criticize––at length––the PNB 30% structural presumption and lack of economic analysis, something the Agencies completely ignore in this draft.

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